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Fifth Part Socialist Liberalism

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What kind of semantic filter should be that gives structure to this worldview? In order to recognize this, we have to extract the structure of meaning. 

The subject of this great narrative is the proletariat or its forerunners. Its antagonist is the bourgeoisie and various smaller villains (petty bourgeoisie, other backward elements) who do not believe the Marxist truth. 

The narrative itself approaches the grand finale of the world revolution with subsequent communism, but not in a completely linear manner, as there can be supposed setbacks in between, 

which, viewed dialectically, ultimately only accelerate the achievement of the great end goal, as they accelerate the development, so to speak Give momentum. 

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All of this, the whole course of history, is anything but arbitrary, but rather determined, subject to recognizable socio-economic laws. 

Its discoverers, above all Marx and Engels, are particularly prominent because of their unique historical merit. 

They are something like the patriarchs of the communist movement or prophets of legitimate historical development. 

But even those who study their revelations of these regularities experience a further increase in rank in relation to the subject of world history, the proletariat. 

They form the avant-garde of the working class, which was later to experience an even more hierarchically differentiated realization under Stalinism and other real socialist systems. 

The socio-economic laws are in the same rank as the laws of nature, connect seamlessly to them, and, like them, have their fulcrum in the matter, i.e. 

in the empirically measurable aspects of reality from which everything can be derived or to which everything can be reduced. 

Overall, this results in a technological-socialist symbiosis and a coherent scientific overall impression.

But the actual pattern of this structure of meaning is well known. We already know it from the Judeo-Christian tradition, whose salvation-historical conception also knows a chosen people - Judaism or, later, in the

"New Covenant", Christianity - as a subject-like actor who, after the initial fall of man, also knows the grand finale of the Towards the Last Judgment, after which a paradisiacal final state is to dawn. 

However, this only applies to those who have strictly adhered to the laws revealed on Sinai beforehand - or to what Paul later proclaimed in Romans or the popes in their circulars. 

Here, too, the historical development is not simply thought of as linear, but as a dialectical sequence of a sinful apostasy from God's covenant and its commandments with subsequent punishment, repentance, conversion and forgiveness. 

Special salvation and prestige are accorded to those prophets and preachers who make a contribution to their loyalty to God's covenant. 

The main difference in the conception of this structure of meaning is the localization of the fulcrum from which each structural element is assigned its meaning: Here it is God who is "up in heaven". 

It is the fulcrum that Marx turned "head on to feet". That's the big switch he flipped. It would certainly be worthwhile to further systematize the structural similarities and differences, and consequently to design a “morphology of world views”. 

For example, with regard to the two basic patterns of action of religious people, sacrifice and ritual, since communist people are also characterized by a willingness to make sacrifices by putting their selfish interests aside in favor of the collective or a weakness for communist rituals such as parades, stereotypical speech acts or hero-worship shows. 

But such an analysis would sound too much like a deliberate degradation of the emancipatory potential of the communist movement, which is not what we wanted. 

Rather, we focus our attention on the meaning structure of the communist worldview, because something similar can also be observed in the partially anti-emancipatory meaning structure of neoliberalism, 

Whose individual elements do not stand up to any scientific examination, nonetheless they have the status of quasi irrefutable truths in the consciousness of most people, on which every criticism rolls off since they form a coherent system of mutually supporting elements of belief? 

The analysis of this neoliberal belief system will, however, only be part of later work. 

But if we want to leave neoliberalism behind us, we will not achieve this by restricting ourselves to protesting against the next neoliberal reform every time, however essential that is.

It is just as important to take the ideal initiative, to formulate it positively, what one wants instead, and overcoming the paralysis of simply reacting to the economization of all areas of life with their supposed practical constraints. 

It must be the order of the day to replace neoliberalism as a whole with a superior structure of meaning and thus prevent the survival of the individual elements of belief that have long been disproved by reality. 

In my opinion, this superior structure of meaning will be socialist liberalism. He will try to balance the poles of the interindividual human needs for union and autonomy, which underlie communism and neoliberalism, respectively.

to replace neoliberalism as a whole with a superior structure of meaning and thus prevent the survival of the individual elements of faith that have long been disproved by reality.

In my opinion, this superior structure of meaning will be socialist liberalism. He will try to balance the poles of the interindividual human needs for union and autonomy, which underlie communism and neoliberalism, respectively.

to replace neoliberalism as a whole with a superior structure of meaning and thus prevent the survival of the individual elements of faith that have long been disproved by reality. 

In my opinion, this superior structure of meaning will be socialist liberalism. He will try to balance the poles of the interindividual human needs for union and autonomy, which underlie communism and neoliberalism, respectively.

The first thing to do now is to briefly point out the strengths and weaknesses, opportunities and risks of the communist structure of meaning. 

Its greatest strength and its greatest risk in one is that it makes it possible to clearly assign and evaluate every element of the inner and outer world: Is x progressive or reactionary? 

It is a strength because without clarity in thinking there is no clarity in action. And without clarity in action, there can be no victories, only defeats.

But since we live in a world of conflicting interests, clarity in thinking and acting are still indispensable prerequisites if we want the development of our world to take a progressive direction. 

The risk, however, is that a judgment always separates us from empathy for the condemned. When we judge we are not in the heart.

If we now permanently refuse empathy, sooner or later we will be at least as bad as what we condemn. So let us consider the words of the wise, that there is nothing out there that is not created as a potential in our psyche.

The greatest weakness of the communist structure of meaning is its quasi-apocalyptic orientation towards the world revolution and the subsequent dawn of a completely new age, that of communism. 

And for several reasons. On the one hand, hoping for the one great world change means that we do not face what we need to change in our own lives to the extent necessary in order to make them happier and more fulfilling.

No matter how nice the external political circumstances, they do not help us, when we are lousy at heart. Every suffering is individual and can only be healed in the individual himself. 

No matter how bad the external circumstances are, what matters is our personal relationship with them. If we are in inner peace, the external circumstances do not affect us - to a certain extent, of course - in such a way that we suffer from them. 

In the worst case, devoting oneself entirely to the revolution can also mean turning a blind eye to one's own, by no means communist, but power-oriented, egoistic character structure under the guise of alleged selflessness. 

On the other hand, hoping for the one big change builds an expectation that can only be disappointed. Demoralization arises out of this disappointment. But this is completely inappropriate,

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Fifth Part Socialist Liberalism

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Published on September 20, 2021

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